Jul 31, 2026

Moral courage vs. Cowardice

Prof. Mazin Qumsiyeh

History rarely asks ordinary people to perform extraordinary acts. More often, it presents simple moral choices: to tell the truth or remain silent, to defend the vulnerable or look away, to challenge injustice or accommodate it. Palestine has become one of those defining moral tests of our era. It reveals not only the brutality of occupation, displacement, discrimination, and war, but also the character of those who witness these realities. It distinguishes between moral courage and moral cowardice.

Moral courage is not the absence of fear. Rather, it is the willingness to act ethically despite fear, inconvenience, social pressure, or personal cost. Moral cowardice, by contrast, is the decision to subordinate conscience to comfort, career, ideology, or conformity. Sometimes it is exhibited in the escapist rhetoric that it is "complicated," and hence what can I do but to listen to "both sides" (slaves and slave owners, supporters of apartheid and those who oppose he!). These traits transcend nationality, religion, ethnicity, and political affiliation. Among Palestinians, Israelis, and international observers alike, one finds inspiring examples of courage as well as troubling examples of silence or complicity that results in prolonging the suffering.

The history of social progress demonstrates that moral courage has always been the engine of change. The abolition of slavery, women's suffrage, labor rights, civil rights movements, decolonization struggles, and the defeat of apartheid in South Africa all depended on individuals willing to challenge prevailing systems of power. They faced ridicule, imprisonment, professional ostracism, violence, or worse. Yet history now remembers them not as radicals but as pioneers of justice.

Palestine belongs within this broader tradition. It is not unique because injustice exists only there; injustice exists everywhere. Rather, Palestine illustrates with unusual clarity how systems of domination are sustained not merely by military force but also by narratives, bureaucracies, financial interests, diplomatic protection, and public silence. Every checkpoint, demolished home, imprisoned child, confiscated olive grove, or displaced community is made possible not only by those directly implementing these policies but also by countless others who decide that speaking out is too risky or too inconvenient.

This insight echoes the observation frequently attributed to Edmund Burke that "the only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good people to do nothing." Although historians question whether Burke ever wrote these exact words, the sentiment captures a profound ethical truth. Injustice survives because too many people choose passivity.

Among Palestinians, moral courage is often expressed through remarkable resilience. Teachers continue educating children despite repeated disruptions. Physicians work under impossible conditions. Farmers return to cultivate lands despite harassment or destruction. Journalists continue documenting events despite grave risks. Artists preserve memory through culture, while scientists, environmentalists, and educators continue building institutions for future generations. Such courage does not eliminate suffering, but it affirms human dignity.

Yet Palestinians are not immune from moral failure. Some become resigned to corruption, factionalism, intolerance, or internal abuses. Others may remain silent when injustice is committed within their own communities. Moral consistency demands that courage includes confronting one's own society as well as external oppression.

Among Israelis, moral courage often requires confronting powerful social and political pressures. Israeli human rights defenders, lawyers, journalists, academics, former soldiers, medical professionals, and conscientious objectors who document abuses or oppose discriminatory policies frequently endure public vilification, legal harassment, professional consequences, and social isolation. Their voices remind us that citizenship does not require unquestioning loyalty to state policy. Indeed, genuine patriotism may require holding one's own government accountable to universal ethical standards.

At the same time, many Israelis either actively support policies that inflict severe harm on Palestinians or accept them as unavoidable. Others avoid engaging with uncomfortable realities because acknowledging them might challenge deeply held beliefs or social identities. The mechanisms are familiar: fear, denial, selective empathy, historical trauma, and political polarization. Understanding these mechanisms does not excuse them. Every society must confront the ethical consequences of normalizing the suffering of others.

Internationally, the spectrum is equally broad. Thousands of humanitarian workers, researchers, journalists, lawyers, students, religious leaders, artists, and ordinary citizens have invested enormous effort in documenting violations, advocating for peace, providing humanitarian assistance, and defending international law. Many have accepted reputational risks, employment consequences, public harassment, or political attacks. Their work exemplifies moral courage because it places principle above personal advantage.

Yet international moral cowardice may be even more consequential. Governments frequently invoke universal human rights selectively, applying one standard to allies and another to adversaries. Universities sometimes hesitate to protect academic freedom when Palestine becomes controversial. Media organizations occasionally frame events in ways that obscure asymmetries of power or normalize recurring violence. Corporations may continue profiting from activities linked to occupation or conflict while avoiding ethical scrutiny. Individuals who privately recognize injustice often remain publicly silent to avoid controversy. Silence itself becomes a political act.

Psychology offers insight into why this occurs. The famous experiments of Solomon Asch demonstrated the power of conformity. Stanley Milgram revealed how ordinary individuals may obey authority even when doing so conflicts with conscience. Philip Zimbardo explored how institutional roles can shape behavior. More recent research on moral disengagement by Albert Bandura explains how euphemistic language, diffusion of responsibility, dehumanization, and displacement of responsibility enable people to tolerate harmful actions without perceiving themselves as unethical. These mechanisms are not peculiar to any nationality; they are vulnerabilities of the human condition.

History repeatedly warns us about the dangers of indifference. Martin Luther King Jr. observed that "In the end, we will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends." Elie Wiesel similarly argued that neutrality helps the oppressor rather than the victim. Archbishop Desmond Tutu expressed the same principle when he wrote that if one remains neutral in situations of injustice, one has chosen the side of the oppressor. These statements should not be interpreted as demands for simplistic political alignment. Rather, they remind us that ethical responsibility extends beyond avoiding wrongdoing ourselves; it includes responding when others suffer preventable harm.

The challenge, however, is not merely to condemn moral cowardice. Condemnation alone rarely changes minds. More constructive is understanding how courage develops. Moral courage grows through education that encourages critical thinking rather than propaganda. It grows through relationships that humanize perceived adversaries. It grows through institutions that protect freedom of expression and academic inquiry. It grows when individuals witness others speaking honestly despite pressure. Courage, like fear, can be contagious.

Palestine therefore presents an opportunity not only for political reflection but also for moral education. Every person can ask difficult questions. Do I seek information from diverse and credible sources? Do I apply the same ethical standards regardless of nationality, ethnicity, or religion? Do I excuse violations committed by those I identify with while condemning identical actions by others? Have I remained silent because speaking might carry personal costs? These questions are relevant whether one lives in Gaza, Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, Washington, London, Johannesburg, Tokyo, or São Paulo.

Ultimately, the struggle between moral courage and moral cowardice is not fundamentally about Palestine. It is about humanity. Palestine simply magnifies dilemmas that exist everywhere: whether power is constrained by ethics, whether truth prevails over propaganda, whether empathy extends beyond tribal boundaries, and whether ordinary people choose conscience over convenience.

Future generations will undoubtedly examine this period as historians now examine slavery, colonialism, segregation, apartheid, and other systems of institutionalized injustice. They will ask what people knew, what they chose to believe, what they did, and what they failed to do. They will recognize that some individuals—Palestinian, Israeli, and international—demonstrated remarkable moral courage by defending universal human dignity despite enormous pressure. They will also recognize that many others, through silence, indifference, rationalization, or active participation, allowed preventable suffering to continue.

The lesson is timeless. Moral courage seldom changes the world overnight. Yet every lasting movement for justice has begun with individuals willing to speak an inconvenient truth. Their example invites each of us to ask not which side history will judge most harshly, but whether our own actions reflect the values we profess. In that sense, Palestine is not only a political question. It is a mirror in which humanity sees its own conscience.

9 comments:

  1. I admire your clarity and the power of your expression. Some years ago, I participated in the program. Welcome to Palestine. I experienced the practical ways in which you were trying to combat the injustice of Israel occupation

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  2. I follow Ziad Medoukkh, who organises educative activities in Gaza to children, and in French, despite the pro-israelian stand of French goverment. Please see his page on Facebook. I commented his work on the page saying that the people in Gaza is Witness (martyr in Greek) of what is human in front of what is animal. And courage comes from love against hate.

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  3. Thank you for drawing out the issue of courage and what inhibits it. I believe the bystander role is significant in Palestine and in all cases of continuous trauma. In the United States, psychology tends to be more individualistic in its thinking, but there are several psychologists who have contributed meaningfully to understanding collective responsibility. Judith Herman opened her book Trauma and Recovery by stating "all the perpetrator asks is that the bystander do nothing." She addresses many kinds of trauma including political terror and genocide campaigns. Jennifer Freyd has elaborated the concept of betrayal trauma - focusing on the double trauma of bystanders who aren’t direct perpetrators but perpetuate harm through doubt, shame, ignorance, or otherwise. She also founded the Center for Institutional Courage to put practices like you are suggesting into effect within institutions, and people have called out NYC Mayor Mamdani’s recent explicit call for the arrest of Netenyahu as institutional courage.

    Most importantly, I think that moral courage is intertwined with moral injury. I believe that this term first came into use with “combat veterans,” which is interesting, although now it can be applied to anyone. I prefer the definition of Brett Litz: “perpetrating, failing to prevent, or bearing witness to acts that transgress deeply held moral beliefs and expectations [that] may be deleterious in the long-term, emotionally, psychologically, behaviorally, spiritually, and socially.” People act in ways that are contrary to their own beliefs about a moral and just world, often because they feel a sense of personal threat by their social systems that subtly (and not so subtly) reinforce complicity. In the Palestinian-Israeli context, Dana Amir has done meaningful work with moral injury, especially showing the psychological processes whereby people who have committed harm either further distance from their own moral injury, or attune to their own inner witness. Connection to the inner witness is necessary for reckoning with the harm and complicity of moral injury.

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  4. This is excellent and comes from a man who represents moral courage. I have just sent you a few pages on how to incorporate an Indigenous orientation into what you write that is steeped largely in the dominant worldview most of us have been immersed into. There are dimensions of courage and fearlessness in our Nature/Spirit based worldview that will make your work more complete for what is ahead.
    Wahinkpe Topa (Four Arrows), aka Don Trent Jacobs, Ph.D., Ed.D. Respectfully),
    Four Arrows (Wahinkpe Topa), aka D.T. Jacobs, Ph.D., Ed.D.

    Hau kolapi. Okiciya makiyokipi na iyuteya, cuke wayokapi, mitakuye oyasin. (Hello friends. Help each other acclimate and adjust, because the truth is, we are all related.)

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  5. It is a beautifully written article. However, I do agree with the comments posted, especially regarding the necessity of Indigenous perspectives. It just feels like something more is needed to address what cannot be adequately said, or even thought, within normalized, modern, "rational" syntax and paragraph structures. For while I agree with everything said in the article, there are complex dynamics that have taken hold societally here in the US - totalitarian, satanic, etc. - that have reduced normal channels of activism to symbolic acts. The child abuse/rape/slavery/murder/blackmail network... based in the US/Israel... controlling the power structure of the world... speaks volumes as to the level of transformation necessary.

    Such genocidal dynamics have been present for centuries of course, regressing the dominant culture to its current infantile state, while Native cultures have continued to persist and mature at great cost. Even rudimentary experience with indigenous ceremony-and-activism has provided immense confirmation of the transformative power therein. But it must be approached with care and respect that even my note here struggles to communicate. Bless your diligent and profound efforts in this work!

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    1. My own comment here troubles me, as it fails to include the profound distress of every day's experience trying to figure out what the hell to actually do within the confines of the current insanity, the shame I feel as an American amid the impotence of everything I try, the rage and horror of the entirety of genocide, and the amazement that you are able to persist with such open-hearted humanity and courage facing it daily now in the West Bank.

      Still we must rise however we can, amid cultures of distraction and violence, brain injuries and poverty. Yesterday I was at a three-hour vigil at an ICE prison. Today's outreach connected with TAAG: with US legal remedies exhausted, Taxpayer Alliance Against Genocide is suing the government to allow for ICC remedy around the entirety of genocidal warmongering criminality of this administration.

      Such opportunities to organize and act creatively are at last arising amid opposition to the Iran War at around 70%, but the power mafia runs amok, and the criminalization of peacemakers as terrorists tells us the struggle is just beginning here. I volunteer for what I can, hoping to follow through amid the brokenness. Guidance is welcome, prayers are ongoing.

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  6. Mazin, thanks as always for yet another way into the Palestine discourse. Your thesis coincides with a thought that is increasingly troubling me. Over the last three years I have immersed myself, far more than previously, in the dicourse that envelops the question of Palestine. I have read and listened to a wide range of voices , including Palestinian, Israeli, Arab, European, American, former-colonial, from an array of disciplines - political, scientific, philosophical, journalistic, artistic, medical, religious etc.
    It occurs to me that a monumental, compelling body of critical thinking has emerged that challenges from myriad angles the profoundly egregious harm - displacement, occupation, genocide - that Israel, America, Europe and much of the the international "community" have done and continue to do to the people of Palestine.
    I actually wonder if any similar set of circustances has ever given rise to such an exhaustive body of thought demanding change. My question, therefore, is why , in spite of this, does the injustice persist withn such tenacity? None of the usual answers - Zionist influence, Epstein, oil, Islamaphobia, orientalism, holocaust guilt etc. - have sufficient explanatory power I feel.

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  7. Thank you everybody for very insightful remarks. I will incorp[orate in the paper (which is turning out to be complicated and lengthy but important)

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  8. I was very moved in reading this. I was reminded of this short statement from Mayor Zohran Mamdani I heard about the same time, so I am sharing it.
    I felt like he is grappling with related issues and he does a good job of narrating what he thinks, feels, believes.

    https://www.facebook.com/reel/1742112433587027\

    Kamala Platt

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